Zambia leads way in cluster bombs ban
By LOUIS CENTURY
“When Zambia spoke, 34 African countries had spoken,” says Ms. Sheila Mweemba, director of the Zambia Mine Action Centre, under the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
She is referring to Zambia’s role as African representative in the global campaign to ban cluster bombs, known as the Oslo Process.
Cluster bombs, also known as cluster munitions, get their name because they contain “clusters” of dozens to hundreds of smaller “bomblets” or “submunitions” which are scattered over large areas.
Many of these bomblets fail to explode on impact, thus becoming landmines and destroying civilian lives long after the end of a conflict.
Beginning in February 2007, countries from around the world have been pushing for a legally binding treaty banning the use, production, transfer and stockpiling of cluster bombs.
On December 3, 2008, in Oslo, Norway, over 100 countries are expected to sign the groundbreaking Convention on Cluster Munitions. Zambia will sign the treaty.
What few Zambians know is that Zambian men and women played crucial roles in making this treaty possible.
Why Zambia?
Apart from an isolated incident during the Zimbabwean liberation struggle, Zambians have not been affected by cluster bombs.
But Zambians have felt the impact of landmines laid by foreign armies on their territory. And Zambians have witnessed the impact of violent conflict in their neighbouring countries.
Ms. Mweemba explains: “For us, we have seen what anti-personnel mines have done, and cluster munitions can do far worse. So why wait until it becomes a problem?”
In recent years, we have seen a rise in the use of cluster bombs around the world.
In Iraq in 2003 and Kosovo in 1999, cluster bombs dropped by the United States and Britain killed more civilians than any other weapon system.
In Lebanon in 2006, 4 million submunitions were dropped by Israel. An average of 25 percent of them failed to explode, creating roughly 1 million potential landmines in the tiny southern part of the country.
Ethiopia and Eritrea used cluster bombs against each other in 1998.
Ms. Mweemba reminds us that the countries worst hit by cluster bombs often lack the capacity to remove the bombs and help the victims.
Like Zambia, they tend to be developing countries whose economies rely on foreign aid. They are almost never producers of cluster bombs.
“The people who are selling these weapons are not using them in their own backyards. They always inevitably end up in ours. And we don’t have the capacity to clean up.”
Contaminated land prevents development – including agriculture, mining and tourism – because people are unable to walk the land in fear of explosions.
The countries where cluster bombs were used may seem distant from peaceful Zambia.
So long as cluster bombs remain in production and use, Ms. Mweemba counters, Zambians are potentially at risk.
Speaking for Africa
Facing opposition from powerful weapon-producing countries like the United States and China, African countries banded together under Zambia’s leadership in support of a total ban on cluster bombs.
In March to April of this year, Zambia hosted the first ever Africa-wide conference to ban cluster bombs, in Livingstone.
As Dr. Robert Mtonga, a Zambian medical doctor and Africa spokesperson for the international Cluster Munition Coalition, said during the conference, “Too often Africa’s voice is pushed to the margins in international decision making. But in banning cluster bombs worldwide, a common African voice will speak volumes and win the day.”
South Africa and Egypt have both produced and exported cluster munitions. At least 14 African countries stockpile cluster munitions, including Zambia’s neighbours Angola and Zimbabwe, as well as nearby South Africa and Uganda.
While most African countries supported a total ban on cluster bombs, South Africa adamantly opposed such a ban.
In negotiations, South African representatives pushed for a watered down treaty that would make exceptions for certain types of cluster bombs.
Along with other producing countries, South Africa argued that cluster bombs with reliable detonation rates and self-destruct mechanisms for duds should be excused from the ban.
The Zambian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Kabinga Pande, made Zambia and Africa’s position very clear: “Africa is going for a total ban because all cluster munitions cause unacceptable harm... No matter how wise or foolish a bomb is, it will remain a threat to civilians.”
For one, there has never been a cluster bomb without unacceptable failure rates. Secondly, even if such technology existed, cluster bombs are indiscriminate by nature.
By scattering over large areas, they are unable to distinguish between military and civilian targets, which is one of the basic requirements of the laws of war.
Starting in Livingstone, Mr. Pande, Ms. Mweemba, Dr. Mtonga and other Zambians began the process of unifying African countries around the idea of a total ban on cluster bombs. “No exceptions, no excuses.”
Negotiating the ban
When countries gathered to negotiate the treaty in Dublin, Ireland in May, 2008, Zambia continued its role as coordinator of African countries.
Under Zambia’s leadership, Africa went to Dublin speaking with one voice. With 34 African countries endorsing the treaty at that time, Africa was the largest regional block. Their voice did not – could not – go unheard.
When certain countries called for transition periods, Africa rejected them. Ms. Mweemba rhetorically asked, “What’s the point of banning a weapon and then using it for 10 or 15 more years?”
When certain countries called for rigid definitions of cluster bombs that would excuse certain types from the ban, Africa rejected such definitions.
In the end, compromises were required by all sides. In exchange for removing transition periods, Africa conceded some space on definitions.
The final treaty contains a definition of cluster bombs that excludes certain specific types – submunitions must not number more than 10 for each cluster bomb or weigh more than 4 kilogrammes each, for example.
Yet the definition is broad enough that most cluster bombs in the world, including those produced by South Africa, are covered by the ban.
For many, the most important part of the new treaty is its provisions on victim assistance.
Mr. Yona Phiri, survivor of a landmine that was laid by Zimbabwean liberation fighters in Zambia decades ago, holds this opinion:
“It is essential that this treaty include survivor assistance provisions for governments to take ownership of their survivor populations. Because unlike me, the majority of victims receive no support.
“They are isolated and sitigmatized. Their communities are missing out on their talents and their potential. We are an asset not a liability.”
Improving on the Mine Ban Treaty which banned anti-personnel landmines 10 years ago, the Convention on Cluster Munitions requires states to help victims in specific and legally binding ways.
For Zambia, where there are no cluster bomb victims, this will mean providing assistance to landmine survivors and other persons with disabilities.
The treaty states that countries “shall not discriminate… between cluster munition victims and those who have suffered injuries or disabilities from other causes.”
When Zambia signs and ratifies the treaty, the Zambian government will be legally obligated to provide support to landmine victims and disabled persons.
This includes medical care, rehabilitation and psychological support, and socio-economic inclusion.
Moving forward
One month ago, 42 Zambian civil society leaders convened at the University Teaching Hospital in Lusaka to plan for the domestication of the Convention on Cluster Munitions.
Among the doctors, activists, journalists, police and others in attendance, there was the sense that banning cluster bombs was only just the beginning.
Zambians still have to make the treaty a reality by ensuring support for landmine victims and disabled persons, setting an example for other countries.
Most importantly, banning cluster bombs represents one small victory in the larger disarmament campaign.
“The success of the Oslo Process brings the world one step closer to our foremost goal of global peace and disarmament,” said Dr. Mtonga, who convened the meeting of Zambian stakeholders.
Next in line is tackling small arms and nuclear weapons, which Dr. Mtonga and other Zambians are already actively engaged in.
In these larger tasks, there is no doubt that Zambia will remain a global leader.
When asked how Zambia would respond to a country that wanted to attack it, Ms. Mweemba replied, “I’d sit down and talk about it.”
Zambia is a peaceful country with a peaceful history. As Ms. Mweemba said, Zambia believes in dialogue before turning to weapons.
“But even if we did turn to weapons,” she said, “cluster munitions would not be our weapon of choice.”
Thanks in part to Zambia’s efforts, using cluster bombs will no longer be an option – for any country.
Louis Century works for the Zambian Campaign to Ban Landmines in Lusaka.
1 comment:
*Goosebumps*
Well written! Have I mentioned that I love Sheila?
Make sure MAC gets all your Times articles for their media work!
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